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The
Research
“I'm
working diligently on my reading, trying to get things organized in
the abstract, for I have left my planning book at home, not wishing
to risk either losing it or subjecting it to prying eyes,” Jim Michener
wrote from Honolulu two weeks after we ended our initial brainstorming
sessions in May 1978.
Michener
loaned dozens of books from my library and tackled them with gusto.
A few illuminating critiques of South African works read in the early
stages of his research:
Wright's
Burden of the Present is carefully written, makes a few
good points worth remembering, and suffers grievously from not having
included Afrikaans historian ... sort of like Hamlet without
the prince. I found his final chapter quite pompous and self-evident:
Historians should be good historians.”
Parker
and Pfukani's high school text (History of Southern Africa)
is a splendid modern summary, almost good enough for college freshmen.
Devoutly one wishes it were obligatory study for students across
the Republic of South Africa. (I was amused to see that the authors,
like all sensible men who know their material, I should judge, come
to the same organizing conclusion that we did: follow the Dutch
to Piet Retief; double back to pick up the Zulu; move forward with
the Trek. I wish I were working those three chapters right now.)
But even this book lacks the bite which would come in showing the
Dutch actually acquiring their historic attitudes.”
Prinsloo
of Prinsloosdorp (by Douglas Blackburn, a rare work of fiction
Michener read while researching the novel) is one of those haughty
frolics that every nation should produce in every century. It reminds
me of Tomas Roucault's (sic, Raucat) Honorable Picnic
about Japan, and some Englishman's Haji Baba about Persia.
But I was surprised at how little additional material Blackburn
adds to what one already knows if he's done considerable background
study. I like his sparing but effective use of Afrikaans words and
judge that each writer ought to select a few crisp ones essential
to his narrative and forego the rest. But I don't think they should
be given in italic. In fact, I think our list should go even further
and indicate with an asterisk those Afrikaans words which have already
passed into our big English dictionaries as English words. What
ones they are I don't know but would guess veld, laager, trek but
not sjambok, Nachtmaal, or Rooinek.
Becker's
Tribe to Township is much too episodic for my present
needs: I want distillations of encyclopedia articles! But it is
perceptive, and when one is finished one has a heavy feeling regarding
the impossible burdens placed upon the men and women making the
transition.
Jim
spent a month in South Africa seven years earlier, producing his New
York Times article on the Five Warring Tribes, but the
vast project now in mind made it imperative that he return and trek
to the settings we envisaged for the novel. Between May and November
1978, his busy schedule included trips from Maryland to Honolulu, New
York to Poland and London, Philadelphia to China, plus weeks spent shooting
a TV series on Sports in America. – The weeks between July
9 to August 19, 1978 were kept open for a research trip in Africa.
I'd
left my post as editor-in-chief of Reader's Digest in Cape
Town the year before and moved to the U.S. with my family. I could've
gone back as Jim's guide but decided instead to assign a local editor
and writer as his leg man. Philip Bateman had been on my staff at the
Digest and was then working as a freelancer; he'd shown a
flair for history in articles I commissioned him to write for the magazine.
His assignment would be two-fold: to accompany Michener on his tour
and later to act as my main contact in South Africa for fact-checking
and ongoing research.
The
draft itinerary I suggested to Bateman embodies the kind of foot-slogging
that's key to mastering a subject as vast as South Africa – or Brazil,
for that matter. (See Brazil:
The Making of a Novel, The Journey.)
June
1, 1978 – Letter to Philip Bateman
Draft
Itinerary for James A. Michener
Let's
assume that you have been able to establish a "holding
pattern" for your other obligations during the time of
his visit. Here are some rough suggestions for an itinerary:
July
10 – 14
Johannesburg
July
15 – 22 Cape
Town
July
23 – Aug 5
Land trip from Cape Town to "Eastern Frontier,"
following historical line of progress of white settlement
and Xhosa movement; then through Eastern Cape up to the Orange
Free State, tracing The Great Trek route and taking in Kimberley,
Magersfontein and other Boer War highlights.
Aug
6 – Aug 12 Pretoria…
Voortrekker Monument Museum etc. and up to the Northern Transvaal
border. Depending on the security situation – it would have
to be very 'secure' – hop to Zimbabwe Ruin would be valuable.
Return to Johannesburg via the south-eastern Transvaal. Particular
interest in the Hendrina, Lake Chrissie, Vaal source area.
August
12 – 19
Johannesburg
Your
core period of involvement would be July 23 to August 12,
when you're on the road with Jim Michener. It would be valuable
if you were able to meet him in Johannesburg and see him set
up for the first few days there. At that stage, the "research"
accent should be on material on the land and its early evolutionary
processes: Museum of Science and Man, Boshier, Tobias, Dart,
Peter Becker etc. Also contact with De Beers and an
expert an diamonds; he's looking for good, sound material
on the creation, location and incidence of diamonds. Perhaps,
too, if there is such a person up there, contact with Johannesburg
or Pretoria expert on Zimbabwe and the Rozwi. And the Vaal
...I've strong feelings about its value as a sort of River
of Man, a primeval source of the veld's earliest dwellers.
And a side excursion to the Africana Museum? To sum up: At
this opening stage, it's anthropology, geology, the 'living
veld' of old that we're interested in.
To
Cape Town: Remember, what we're seeking to capture on this
'safari' is depth, authenticity, mood,
atmosphere, color. Above all, quality.
(Both in material and people consulted.) We'd start with the
Van Riebeeck era, the Castle. Contact with the experts on
the Bush people. (That excellent display at the Museum). Groot
Constantia: Obviously a visit with the curator or someone
who really knows and loves the place and can show and tell
about it in substance. Now we are following the expansion
of the early settlement to the Drakenstein Valley. I'd like
him to have the opportunity to overnight in a genuine Cape
Dutch farm, to experience what it was like there. To Franschoek
and the Huguenots; to Stellenbosch.
Then,
toward the interior. On the trip to the frontier, special
interest places to be seen from an historical perspective
would be Swellendam, Somerset East, Cradock, Grahamstown,
The Great Fish, Slagter's Nek. You want to really feel as
if you're carrying kruithorings (powder horns,)
rattling sabres, lumbering along with creaking wagon. It's
important that he meet real people, see real
places. Spend time in a small country town meeting with local
Afrikaners, farmers, true descendents of the 1820 settlers.
Stay in ordinary country hotels where he can sound out the
locals. I often feel that on these 'discovery of South Africa'
– or any place for that matter – trips, people don't get a
chance to touch basics but are propelled from one know-it-all
to the next in glassed-in splendor. That's not what Jim Michener
wants! He'd far prefer to sit with coffee and rusks in a Swellendam
voorkamer than some plastic palace.
Also
on the Eastern Frontier, a visit to one of the English (LMS)
mission stations. Through the Free State to Winburg
and later the Boer War sites with special interest in Kimberly
and Magersfontein. Also in the Transvaal, Waterval Bo-and-Onder
where Kruger took leave of his forces to exile. And,
again, a DRC mission station, preferably with school attached.
While
the above reflects, with the exception of Zimbabwe and the
Bush, a tracing of the white man's paths there will also be
great interest in the coloured people and blacks with emphasis
on the Xhosa of the Eastern Province border war area and in
the Transvaal, close to Natal, the Zulu. But Jim Michener
will be better able to detail to you his needs in that area.
At
this stage, we'd welcome your thoughts on a draft itinerary,
balanced to offer a broad perspective on history and, time
allowing, a decent portioning between 'looking' and talking.
It should set a reasonable, not exhaustive pace. Jim Michener
would like to go about his work in a quiet, well-ordered manner.
Just the two of you in many instances, ferreting out material
and experiencing some of the places mentioned above. And undoubtedly
other important stops you'd suggest. This is primarily a non-socializing
visit. I know that he doesn't want one of those hour-by-hour
VIP bashes, but would much prefer to set his own pace in line
with your suggestions. I have spent some time with Jim Michener
and can assure you a rare and rewarding experience with so
fine and thoughtful a person.
|
Bateman
followed these guidelines in setting up an itinerary and interviews
over the five weeks. The busy schedule brought a private note from Jim's
secretary, Nadia Orapchuck: “A word of caution ...Mr. Michener is 71
years old and had a heart attack about twelve years ago. He
is a vigorous man, walks about three miles a day, plays tennis and we
all have difficulty keeping up with him. But it is important that some
time be set aside for a nap each afternoon, wherever possible, particularly
in high altitude areas.”
Michener
and Bateman covered nine thousand kilometers and conducted 100 formal
and informal interviews. Each day Philip gave Jim a folder with photocopied
articles and background information on the day's activities, locations,
interview candidates.

Bateman
Research Folders
|
MICHENER
DAY 4
Johhanesburg,
Simmer and Jack, Historical Society
Photocopies
H.
V. Morton,
In Search of South Africa, 308-312
Lantern,
Survey of Johannesburg Fort, Dec 1966
Lantern,
Johannesburg Stock Exchange, Dec 1957
SESA,
Gold Fields of Soiuth Africa, Johannesburg
Star, Camping
Place of Stone Age Man, 10, 1972
|
The trip went off without a hitch, including a dash up to the ruins
at Zimbabwe, driving hell for leather to catch up with an armed convoy
on a road under siege in the guerilla war then raging in the former
Rhodesia.
In
his letters from South Africa, Jim remained upbeat about the course
set for the novel.
Cape
Town
19
July 1978
...
I have encountered nothing so far to divert me from the general
outline we speculated upon in Maryland and suppose, from this
halfway point that I will not come upon any real disturbances.
What I am finding is a wealth of supportive material on the topics
germane up to this point, and suppose that I will continue to
do so for the rest of the trip and for the rest of the outline.
In other words, it stands pretty much as devised, and there are
practically no blind spots upon which we fail to get the information
we need. (You will understand, of course, that we have touched
upon only some of the topics, but they do cover, many of the toughest
problems, so there is reason to expect similar reinforcements
all the way along.)
I do not yet have a clear picture of how the English settlers
fit into the total picture, but I am sure that will fall into
place once we get down to it. Right now, they appear so interesting
in England that I may leave them there and tell the reader to
fit them in as he or she sees fit!
At
any rate, the work goes famously and by the time we finish I'll
have correspondents in every corner of the republic. I can hardly
wait to get back to Maryland to start serious work with Errol,
and on my own.
|
Jim
also offered asides on current Southern African events:
“Every
time a Rhodesian village is exterminated, and especially when the victims
are white, the South Africans do their best to be polite to visitors
and refrain from making any obvious remarks. But these things are having
a profound influence, and one would really like to know if Andy Young,
who is not stupid, could be onto something when he makes his wild accusations.
At any rate, it ain't dull over here, not when prisoners constantly
jump out of windows to escape interrogation, and when clergymen flee
to escape strange laws.”
Graaff-Reinet(Cape
Province)
27
July 1978
So
far as the proposed outline goes, all is falling into place.
I'm glad I didn't bring the actual outline with me, because
it's better for me to think about people and places in larger
frameworks, and allow the story to germinate on its own, but
the main lines seem to hold fast. I am working hard on the
English family and judge that I now have a workable solution.
I am happier than ever that I am not focusing on gold, diamonds,
Uitlanders or Jameson and feel quite sure that I'll adhere
to that. But next week we head to Natal and I may have to
do some serious rethinking of that problem.
My
hope that we could travel incognito proved fatuous. Wherever
we stop the press of the locality seeks us out, and the newspapers
from afar track us down. I am asked three times a day to put
the blast on Jimmy Carter and Andy Young but beg off on the
grounds that to do otherwise would be improper. And twice
a day I am asked to put the blast on Vorster (Prime Minister,
John Vorster) and his cabinet, and again I beg off
on the grounds that the Logan Act forbids this sort of thing.
|
| Zimbabwe
Ruins
8
August 1978
At the deluxe hotel serving Zimbabwe, they don't fool around.
Next to the menu in each room they have a little tray containing
four free tablets of Philips Milk of Magnesia...
All
aspects of the book have now been investigated except the actual
scene of the farm, and Australopithecus; we'll deal with the
latter soon. I am ready to type out the first four chapters
and the last three. But what happens in between remains uncertain.
This obscurity is only because I haven't come to any kind of
grips with the characters or the sequences. I think a few days
concentrated with Errol on this, reviewing earlier decisions
and fitting them in, ought to provide a fairly clear concept.
At least I'm not worried...
We've
had endless discussions with some very opinionated people, and
I at least know where South Africa is. A great verkrampte (conservative)
yesterday said that he thought it would be all right if the
English stayed, providing they learned Afrikaans, closed their
universities, sought no appointments to the armed services,
tried to place no one in the cabinet, and kept their mouths
shut. When I pointed
out that they were citizens too, my advisor replied, ‘Not Really.'
But
the place is glorious to see; people live extremely well; blacks
have it much better than in Zambia for the time being; and only
God would dare predict the future. It's a subject for a powerful
book, and I at least know the opening sentences for each of
the chapters. The filling in? Now that's another matter. But
we do have those complimentary Milk of Magnesia tablets. |
| Middelburg,
Transvaal
11 August 1978
As
we approach the end of our long and arduous trip I have been
trying to think of whom in South Africa you might have found
to do the job better than Philip Bateman has done it, and I
conclude there could have been no one. He is a brilliant man,
witty, well-informed, of good disposition and amazing capacity
to keep things moving forward.
Our
side trip to Rhodesia was most disturbing. About 500 miles in
a strict military convoy with numerous conversations with people
who feel that the end of the world is at hand. The killing goes
on day after day; people live within wire fences; no termination
is in sight; and after Independence on January 1 all on hand
predict an even worse situation, with various black groups fighting
for control of what is a glorious hunk of real estate. I've
had by accident deep conversations with four groups who have
fled Zambia, and they report that it is in total chaos... almost
unmanageable. (There were five groups, come to think of it,
and all reasonably sane.) Tony (Oursler) might consider an article
on what happens when a country turns back the clock; I have
reason to believe it's quite horrendous, and there seems a strong
possibility that Rhodesia will go the same way...
I seem
to have accomplished all I set out to do, plus scads of additional
bits which will fit into the big picture. I come home with an
immense amount of work to be done over the next two working
years, but I think I see a clear way in which it can be done.
The good feeling is that many persons who hear of the project
say that they wish it were completed now. This augers well for
the timeliness and the gravity; it would be most appropriate
if it were in print right now, but I suspect it will be just
as timely when and if it finally does appear. |
Back
in St. Michaels on August 23, Michener wrote a final note on the trip:
“Philip Bateman was perfect for the job and he arranged extraordinary
meetings. I accomplished all I had hoped, and he is to be commended.
“He
did not however, for reasons which I am not sure I understand, arrange
any meetings with blacks, and this is a significant gap which must be
filled by you drawing upon such black South Africans as may be in New
York, or with whites sympathetic to their cause and well informed. (I
met many blacks in 1971 and have met others in London, so I am not barren;
but this is not good enough for a book of this nature.)"
I'd
spoken with Bateman by phone before giving him the Michener assignment,
mentioning a need for such interviews but saying that I wouldn't make
any reference to this in written communications with him. In retrospect,
I was probably being over-cautious but given the existing climate in
South Africa with BOSS (Bureau of State Security) looking over everyone's
shoulder, I didn't want to see Jim denied a visa that at the time he'd
yet to apply for. Even he had been uncertain as to whether he'd get
permission to visit the country: “I can see reasons why they might not
issue me one, and reasons why they might.But I am so deeply involved
with this project, and so convinced that I can do a first rate and needed
job that I propose to go ahead, whether the South African government
grants the visa or not; which means that you two gentlemen (Oursler
and me) ought to consider how we might operate in the event that I have
to do all my work from America.”
In
2001, when Dr. Barbara Helly was preparing her doctoral thesis on The
Covenant, she asked Bateman about this omission and received an
email with this explanation which appears in her thesis:
| Why
didn't he get to meet many blacks? This is an interesting one!
The question is not why I didn't organize more black people
for him to meet but why he did not get to meet many.
Here
are the reasons:
Time.
The programme was very tight – very compressed. We had only
a matter of weeks to cover the whole country – both geographically
and in terms of history – and all the other disciplines he was
covering.
Experts.
We had to concentrate on experts in each field. For historical
reasons there were at the time very few black academics and
an insignificant number – arguably none — in any of the fields
he was working in. (Oddly enough the same statement would apply
today, but slightly less so.)
Rejection
by Adam Small. I tried to make an interview with the so-called
“coloured” academic and poet Adam Small. I had great difficulty
with this and he in fact turned me down. This was extraordinary
considering he was one of the most outspoken people in ‘struggle'
politics. He would have been an ideal person for Michener to
meet. I was very disappointed over this.
Credo
Mutwa. He did a tour of Soweto and met a leading black businessman
as well as the fascinating Zulu witchdoctor Credo Mutwa. This
was admittedly a brief visit, At the time he was famous for
having been the only black to have written about black history.
Michener was given his book of course. He was also taken to
Crossroads, the squatter camp outside Cape Town to meet some
ordinary black people.
No
agenda. There was no ‘agenda' or underhand purpose in this.
It was simply the way things happened. Had we had three months
we might have met more black people but, as I've said, the vast
majority of information comes from white academic sources. I
don't think we could have done it any other way considering
the immense time limitations.
I
don't believe there was deliberate bias. We were simply practical.
Philip
Bateman e-mail to Barbara Helly, April 2 2001, quoted in Dr.
Helly's thesis "The Covenant, de James A Michener,
un roman populaire américain sur l'histoire l'Afrique
du Sud," Universite Rennes II -Haute Bretagne.
|
At
the time, I was less concerned about this omission than Michener for
my own background more than fulfilled his criteria as a white sympathetic
to the struggle of South Africa's blacks. In fact, I'd already had my
own misgivings about the representation of blacks in the novel which
I set out in a note to Jim following our first meeting on September
9, after his return from South Africa.
I
really think the in-depth black interviews are vital... At present
the core of the book seems heavily weighted toward the Van Doorns
and the Saltwoods, and the interplay between them and the Nxumalos
is still very sketchy. Hopefully, the missionary—black effort will
afford opportunity toward rectifying this. Still, when I look at
the family trees of Van Doorn/Saltwood – against the Nxumalo one
in my rough working notes – I have this sense of inadequacy.
Somehow,
I have a feeling that what one needs do is to put aside the Van
Doorns and Saltwoods and 'think' black. In other words, with all
the material at one's disposal plus whatever interviews can be got,
to project the entire story through the Nxumalo family. I'd be happier,
for example, if I had a 30-page “rough working” synopsis on exactly
the same era, placings, etc. as what now exists but concentrating
solely on the black family. Then, take that and fit it against the
overall Plan…
It
wouldn't change it and much would be unsaid but it would bring the
balance needed. We know, for example, how the Van Doorns and Saltwoods
think, how they react to the great and s smaller events around them,
how their opinions are shaped and their actions determined. We seem
to be able to get inside them. I don't think this is yet the case
with the Nxumalos who often seem to be on the periphery rather than
– even if silent, watchful observers – in the main arena.
If
you think I have a point here, it will probably be important that
we start resolving this soon. I believe that with intelligent reading
of material available and detailed interviews with as many reliable
sources here, much could be achieved.
Considering
the emphasis likely to be placed on South Africa's blacks at the
time when the book appears, I think it will be very important to
have it all in the right proportion.
That
September meeting was important in taking stock of our progress and
plans for realization of the novel, as well as deciding on specific
research projects I was to undertake. My notes from the meeting provide
a distillation of our ongoing working process, items like “Sable antelope,”
“de-landed Boer,” “Trek,” essentially flash cards
that point to subject areas I was to delve into.
ELU
NOTES :
With Jim Michener/ September 9, 1978
Six
chapters to be completed first:
1.
Creation and the Diamond
2.
Australopithecus – Antecedent of his? Relationship: Gracilus/Robustus?
3.
The Bushman
13.
Education of a Puritan
14.
Apartheid
15.
Contemporary Scene.
*Sable
antelope: Life pattern...leit motif among animals
The
Great Hunt
Rape
of the Veld: "De-animalization" –
how this took place
*“De-landed”
Boer, 1922 etc. Perhaps through Detleef's growing up/reflections
etc.
*Dutch
Reformed Church split, Holland etc. 1978/79?
*"Had
lived for 00? years before any member of the family saw a black
man. And 00? years until actual contact with blacks”
*End
of Boer section reference to fact that no universities
had been established. In Peru and USA colleges soon after settlement.
These were to provide a 'leadership group.' In Southern Africa,
the settlement was controlled by a commercial company with its
own interests in mind. It concerned itself with commerce. Analogy
between the two. Not to have had this germinal material? Their
(the Boers) university was a university of the Bible. It did
produce a more homogenous people – but narrow-visioned
*Trianon
First Van Doorn estate near Stellenbosch with view
of the Mountain. Van Doorn dies, leaves young widow. She marries
French Huguenot...She buries him...That ends Huguenot section.
*The
Kraal 1810-1836, near Webster, closer to Grahamstown
than Graaff Reinet and within distance of Slagtersnek. Makes
it a 'fortress'. But it is devastated by everybody and finally
burned in 1834. And some of his best blacks killed. And Hottentots.
Says to hell with it...
Nachtmaal
in Graaff Reinet/ Musters in Grahamstown. (Riebeek Oos?)
Black
Circuit—Slagtersnek… Thaba Nchu… Natal… Vrymeer…Pretoria 1899
*
Venlo five miles north-east of Hendrina
*
Spioen Kop Buller. Comic counterfoil to de
Groot
*
Baines SA/Aussie.
*
Black Muslim movement in Soweto?
Sable
University
Huguenot pro rata contribution. Present evaluation?
Old Sarum
Spioen Kop
Blood River and Covenant
Buller
Trek... American, Russian, Nguni, Boer. Mystical value to direction
in traveling. Russian to rising sun… American to setting sun.
Evaluation of historical, emotional and numerical importance.
“Thought
God obligated to accept their covenant even though it abused
rights of people He thought as much of.”
|
In
New York, I met two black exiles from South Africa, who accepted an
invitation to spend a weekend in October with Michener and me at St.
Michaels: David Sibeko, the “Malcolm X of South Africa,” and Bernard
Magubane, a professor of anthropology at New York University. In the
1960s Sibeko worked for Drum magazine, the rambunctious parent
of Post newspapers, before running afoul of the South African
government and being thrown into jail. Tried and acquitted of sabotage,
he fled the country and became a leader of the Pan African Congress
(PAC)in exile, its permanent observer at the United Nations. Sibeko
was a charming passionate man devoted to freeing his people and it was
sad to read less than a year later that he was assassinated on a street
in Dar-Es-Salaam.
Those
three days in October were as illuminating for me as for Jim. ”It all
goes somewhere deep inside to join with a personal sense of tragedy,
of frustration, of impatience – and perhaps a silent guilt at not having
done more than one did,” I wrote afterwards in a note to Michener. “One
is not naïve: the path that they see leading them to victory is,
ultimately, a harsh, violent way. Perhaps there is still a five year
period of grace in which to talk, but it seems clear that by then the
burden of the past will overtake present conciliation.”
Michener
and I agreed on the appointment of a second legman in Cape Town, specifically
to work on apartheid and black issues. Roger Kenyon, my deputy editor
at Reader's Digest who'd also become a freelancer, did excellent
work ferreting out material for the apartheid chapter, digging up records
of some of the most egregious cases of discrimination and racism.
The
in-depth research for The Covenant covered three distinct
phases:
Primary
Michener's ongoing and intensive reading and his information-gathering
in South Africa was supplemented by my research on special topics as
with the examples from my September 9 note(above.)
In
addition to these broad backgrounders, Jim began his draft by writing
several crucial passages for the book. These key paragraphs were given
to me for detailed analysis.
Expert
Readers
As
the draft manuscript emerged, copies were sent to Philip Bateman for
submission to expert readers in South Africa. These went out with a
covering note from Michener:
| TO
ALL READERS
This
manuscript is being submitted to you in hopes that you will
give it your most careful attention. Absolutely everything is
up for review: the data from your field of expertise; the language;
the customs; the inferences; and above all any general facts
which might be in error.
I
would appreciate your guidance on even the most minute points,
as I always strive to avoid ridiculous error.
A
good way to submit your comment is to correct on the page any
small item. On larger items, or those deserving an essay-type
observation, it is good to mark the offending passage in the
left-hand margin with an Arabic 1, 2, 3 etc. not necessarily
in order, but starting with 1 on each new page. Then at your
typewriter, indicate 1-3 which means Page 1, Item 3, and go
ahead.
Thank
you for your assistance.
James A. Michener |
Fifteen
draft chapters were sent to twenty-two South African experts, except
sections dealing with apartheid which Michener and I kept close to our
chests. Bateman also added his comments to six of the fifteen chapters,
as well as continuing his role as our legman, providing excellent background
material from the South African National Library and his own extensive
historical collection.
Major
critique
Jim
wrote his first draft of The Covenant over eleven months between
October 1978 and August 1979, sending me the original chapters as he
finished them. Except for my initial comments on key paragraphs, he
let me know that he wouldn't concern himself with my criticisms and
suggestions until the manuscript was complete.
This
is, of course, exactly how a writer should forge ahead with a rough
draft and avoid the danger of being bogged down by revisions.
I did a line-by-line
check of the manuscript, plus a broad critique of each chapter to point
out any major difficulties in the flavor and thrust of the text. My commentaries
frequently ran at greater length than Michener's drafts and went into
far more depth than the expert overviews. The South African readers' comments,
as well as Bateman's suggested corrections on selected chapters, were
incorporated with my reports. My
exhaustive and painstaking research reflected a personal obligation
to get the South African story right at a critical point in the history
of my birthplace. I'd been a writer and editor in South Africa for close
on fifteen years and all too often saw the facts about our past and
present totally distorted, especially by outsiders.
I
also knew that when the time came to review the rough draft, I would
be sitting opposite James. A. Michener, a giant of American letters.
If I was going to challenge Jim's words and opinions, and toss out chunks
of his work, I had to be ready for the skirmishes and the bigger battles
sure to follow.
Of
course, I kept in mind that Michener wasn't writing a history, as he
pointed out in a note before we began our work on the manuscript: “It
is important for me and everyone to remember that I am writing a novel
and have no obligation to cover all developments, and none at all unless
they coincide with my purpose and send forward my narrative.”
These
three examples show the extensive historical research behind a novel
like The Covenant, or as the adage says, the ninety percent
perspiration and ten percent inspiration of genius.
Primary
Research
One
of the first drafts Michener sent me for research was a comparison of
the continents and their relationship to the various settler groups
who landed there:
| As
the Dutchmen from the Cape took their first hesitant steps eastward
and northward into the great continent at whose edge they perched,
it would be profitable to inspect what kind of land they had
inherited and to realize how limited and hostile it was. Settlement
could not be extended to the northwest, for there lay the Namibian
Desert, a cruel boundary, and it would be difficult to penetrate
the vast region of the northeast, because this contained the
Kalahari, less formidable than the Namibian, but also a desert.
To the east and northeast ran the towering Drakensberg Mountains,
many of the peaks over ten thousand feet high, protected by
precipitous valleys almost impassable.
But
the wasteland of Australia, the Rocky Mountains of North America,
and the blizzard weather of Siberia proved no natural impediment
could stop men from moving outward if they were determined to
go. And in time the adventurous Cape Dutch would conquer their
Kalahari and Drakensberg. What really set limits to their population
and their economic growth was not the formidable land to the
north but the missing land to the south...
Click to read more
|
Pleasantville, New
York
November 21, 1978
Dear
Jim,
Herewith
another batch of comments, thoughts, notes etc. on the theme
“The Promised Land – Limited or Horizonless?” It also looks
at the question of the vanishing wildlife and the changes
that came to the wilderness with the advent of the plough,
the gun, barbed wire
Of
course, viewed in the broad context your comparisons with
other continents are fine: I just have this nagging doubt
about some of the specific statements that emerge…the limited
natural endowment etc. The Namib, the Kalahari were indeed
there. Yet, far greater, was the extent of the Living Veld
– the Eden so many early travelers speak of.
So,
I offer these notes from numerous sources for your consideration.
A
personal note: I'll be away December 9-17 learning something
of America! Digest editors are allowed a one-week educational
trip anywhere in the country. I've chosen Muncie, Indiana
– Middletown, USA! It should give me a good chance to sound
out the grassroots level of life here.
Errol
|
The
Promised Land – Limited or Horizonless?
ELU
Research Report, November 21, 1978
(from
numerous sources; illustrations added to web site)
In
a broad “sub-continental” sense, the “limits of expansion” comparison
is acceptable. I'm certain you've already considered many of the comments
that follow: They're of a qualifying rather than definitive revision
nature. (Certainly, I begin to grasp the broader Michener vision of
things and am cautious about dismantling what is essentially an enlightened,
fresh perspective.)
But
what worried me on successive readings of the section were some of the
descriptions of the land the Dutchmen inherited: Limited and hostile;
one of the world's deprived areas; the wealth which had been created
in the vast temperate zones of the continents could no be duplicated
in South Africa; no matter how diligently the Dutch worked, working
always with a limited endowment; but did transform these deficiencies
into assets. Hostile, challenging, demanding... Yes. Limited —
?
(What
follows will also cover your query about the vanishing wildlife.)
An
initial approach would be to try and draw a picture of what the veld
looked like when those early pioneers arrived. The work of botanist
John Acocks gives us a clue. His veld maps show, for example, extent
of the lush, sweet grassveld in 1400 and in 1954:

Botanical
map by John Acocks shows estimated extent of sweet grassveld
in year 1400
|

Map of sweet grassveld
areas today tells a sad story of the advance of the desert
|
Once
the sweet grasslands billowed all the way from Somerset East to Bethal.
Many of the first missionaries, travelers and hunters have told how
they found millions of head of game grazing up to their bellies in the
grass that grew tall when the rains were good, or how the animals trekked,
driven by the hunger madness in the great droughts when the grass did
not become lush and green.
Through
the ages the grass roots helped by the cold nights and warm days and
the heavy thunderstorms also “made” the soil of this plateau, which
lies between 4,500 to 6,000 feet above the sea. Here Nature ‘farmed'
with her wild animals and 150 species of grasses of the region. Then
men came – killed the game with guns, grazed the grasses with cattle
and sheep, and ploughed the soil that was mostly sandy or sandy loam.
In the lands where maize grew, the soil lost the structure of crumbs
given to it by the roots of the grasses and it became so sandy that
it was easily washed away by water or carried by the strong winter winds.
The cattle grazed far and wide and ate only the most palatable grasses
so that their place was taken by harder type. The veld was also kept
short by the sheep and the good grasses did not come into seed.
The
second map shows the small patch of sweet grassveld left today. The
place of this grassveld, which is disappearing just like the herds of
game, is being taken by the Karoo type and behind this again comes the
desert. At the present rate of advance the Karoo will have reached the
Vaal River and the desert will be as far as Bloemfontein in 50 years
time. Then we will probably have a little sweet grassveld left in the
black turf soils around Standerton and Bethal.
- “The fairest
Cape the Dutch moved into had more than 2,000 different flowering
plants, 170 grasses and 240 rush-like plants between Table Mountain
and Cape Point – more flowering plants than in the British Isles.”

Landing of
Van Riebeeck 1652, Charles Bell
South African
National Library
- “Some scientists
believe that a great part of the eastern side of South Africa was
still solid forest only 500 years ago. They think all Natal, for
instance, was forest from the Drakensberg to the sea... moist evergreen
forest with huge trees and dryer forest with smaller trees in the
valleys. Then the Bantu entered the country with their huts built
of clay-covered poles made from young trees and their stock. In
time of drought, their fires killed large stretches of forest, letting
in the grasslands we see today. White settlers arrived and chopped
out most of the remaining forests for firewood, furniture, houses,
wagons and even ships. Today, few countries in the world have as
little forest left as South Africa.”
click to read more
Chapter
Overview
The
Trekboers
(from
numerous sources; illustrations added to web site)
This
example of my broad commentary on Michener's draft covers Chapter V
of The Covenant, The Trekboers, nomadic pastoralists who were
the forerunners of the Voortrekkers, the Dutch pioneers who forsook
the Cape Colony and trekked north in the 1830s.

Karoo Trekboer,
by Charles Bell
Trekboers – Chapter
V11 1 – 139 ELU/October 1979
Specific
comments appear on text pages
General
Overview for discussion at revision stage:
The
picture given of a trekboer (most sources use lower case 't')
– “wandering farmers who carelessly tilled a piece of land
for nine or ten years, then abandoned it for a better piece
of new land forty miles farther east... they practiced the
most abusive type of agriculture" – misses important
aspects of the trekboer phenomena.
The
trekboers were nomadic pastoralists; what land they 'tilled'
was usually for their private needs and minimal. Some pointers
from Keppel-Jones:
Three
groups of colonists we are concerned with:
Inhabitants of Cape Town – townsmen (as distinct from Compagnie
officials)
Settled wheat and vine farmers – stable and fairly civilized
Pastoralists of the interior – veeboere i.e. trekboers
"Life
on the cattle posts had great attraction for young men. It
was a life of adventure, of brushes with San and Khoikhoi,
of plunder perhaps, of release from the trammel of civilization.
"Newer
farmers were to a large extent the old farmers sons and ticket-of—leave
soldiers accustomed to frontier life. Pastoralist was not
tied to one spot. Families in the snow covered Roggeveld or
Nieuwveld Mountains trekked down in winter and spring to the
Karoo plains and returned to the high altitudes before heat
and drought of summer. Children who had been rocked to sleep
by the jolting of the wagon grew up with the thought of migrating
to the north or east to find homes for themselves. The trekboer
had adapted himself to the pace of the ox.”
Important
to consider the term the trekboer moved into with his cattle
and sheep. Monica Cole has, for example, a chart of drought
stricken areas in 1926-39. Aside from the southwestern Cape
and an area encompassing the fertile Garden Route, rest of
province was declared drought-stricken for 30 to 60 months,
and a major portion -typical trekboer territory – for
60 months and over.
South
Africa is periodically affected by severe and prolonged droughts.
The rainless years of the 30's culminated in the disastrous
year of 33/34 when stock losses ran into the millions. The
bane of the farmers is the country's unreliable and unpredictable
rainfall. Over much of the country large fluctuations are
the rule rather than the exception. Years with a below average
figure are more common than years with an above-average rainfall.
The
habit of trekking was thus not simply tied to wasteful ruination
of the veld, but a necessity dictated by weather and water
availability. A trekboer may have had a 'base' – for the long
period Hendrik has – but at very regular intervals he would
have had to move his animals to more supportive pastures.
Also, while the 'smoke from another man's chimney,' might
be symbolic of encroachment, a more important motive was to
keep away from Compagnie rule – to savor the independent,
untrammeled existence offered by the beckoning wilderness.
click to read more
pages...
|
Chapter
Line-by-Line Review
Chapter
VII, The Voortrekkers
(from
numerous sources; illustrations added to web site)
In
my overview of The Voortrekker draft, I commented:
“Not one of characters, Tjaart Van Doorn, Naude, Bronk, Nel etc. even
suggest picture of ‘frontier Boer' – i.e. the wilder, independent,
hard as nails individual. What we have is picture that evokes American
Centennial-type character + the Pennsylvania Dutch.
Unsettling
frontier element isn't there, the balance between Bible-living Van
Doorns and wild renegade types, which if time allowed, I'd show in
50/50 proportion, is lacking.
We
have a stylized Afrikaner-heroic interpretation = Good enough for
the past and Nathan (Manfred Nathan, The Voortrekkers of South
Africa, 1937) but inadequate for 1980.
In
addition, we have scant reference to the dominant issue then
and now, i.e. LABOR.
Sure,
one might argue that the American reader only needs simplistic view.
But it's wrong to offer it this simply. It just wasn't so.”

My
line-by-line comments on the vital Voortrekker chapter comprised fifty
pages plus numerous side notes. Here is a sampling from the first seven
pages of my report.
| The
Voortrekkers
-
Chapter X ELU/
October 1979
Since
the story of the Voortrekkers is regarded as the central point
in the story of the Afrikaners, it would seem essential that
one offers an account that remains as faithful to history as
possible. There are many problems in this chapter, and for this
reason it is preferable to deal with them at length.
(
1.1. The first figure is the page number/second is comment
reference number)
(
C - comment only/ not indicative of an inaccuracy)
1.1.C.
The Voortrekkers
The
word only came into use 40 years after The Great Trek. Originally,
they called themselves
'emigrants'.
1.2.
In 1833 Tjaart van Doorn was about as
happy as a man could be.
Until
now, the Van Doorn family have been at the forefront of the
movements that have led to the development of a) free burghers
b) trekboers and, consequently, the 'Voortrekkers"… In
the middle of 1834: the three 'Commissie Treks' –
Uys/Johannes Pretorius/Scholtz – set out to investigate lands
to the north. This was virtually the final step
before the Great Trek. So that, aside from the possible respite
offered by Cole and d'Urban's actions (below), minds were made
up on the unsuitability of remaining on the frontier. Van Doorn's
happiness would be most exceptional. (See problems listed below.)
1.3
frocked coat
Walker/Nathan.
Their trousers met the tails of their jackets/ short jackets
and flapping trousers of various lengths, some coming down to
the insteps, while others were well above the ankles. Wide belt
and suspenders.
1.4
last of the trekboers
As
explained in last chapter, this is incorrect: the trekboer movement
was to continue into this century. At this period, there
were many trekboers, especially in the northern regions of Graaff- Reinet
district, where the Van Doorns live. The trekboer phenomena
and the Great Trek were parallel – both complimentary and apart
from each other. For instance, there were by this time numbers
of trekboers 'settled' – i.e. using pastures – across the Orange
River in the Griqua/Bushman/Basuto lands. Many of these did
not join the trek and continued to regard themselves as subjects
of the colony.
1.5
the old wandering days
of the Boers were past
As
above, no. It was the whole concept of wandering, nomadism,
of easy land acquisition that was to play such an important
role in the Great Trek. It was not simply a 'wanderlust' but
a way of life, inbred over generations.
1.6
What Tjaart had done
was accumulate much pasturage beyond the hills
This
contradicts one of the basic reasons for the trek – if not the
reason: land shortage. Some pointers to the background:
Little
land had been granted since 1807 when the government was giving
consideration to a new system of tenure: loan-place to quit-rent
etc.”
In
1813 Cradock said that he had at least 3,000 petitions for land.
In
1824 there were over 1,000 petitions for land in the Graaff
Reinet district, by the end of that year only 140,352 morgen
had been granted
in the district.
In
Graaff Reinet by the end of 1822, of 392 convertible loan farms
56 had been converted, and a further 301 applications were on
file. As their petitions for new land were not dealt with until
the titles of converted loan farms had been issued, and as few
Boers had titles for their converted loan farms, they were unable
legally to occupy new land. There arose 'request' places: land
for which petitions had been submitted to the government, with
the approval of the landrost, who often registered the claim
in his books, although the government condemned the practice.
In Graaff Reinet in 1824, there were at least 1,000 request
places. (It is interesting to note that of the 19 men from the
rural areas of the district who were reported to have joined
the Great Trek by early 1837, 15 were described as having no
fixed place of residence.)
By
1836, only 706 conversions on loan farms had been made which
meant that there were still 1500 loan farms dating back to before
1813.
Meanwhile
in 1832 the government, under orders from the Colonial Office,
announced that all land applied for after 9 January 1832 would
be sold only by public auction. Several historians emphasize
this ‘auction' decision in grievance list. There is much more
material available to show the tremendous pressure that had
arisen in the area of land usage/availability. Thus when d'Urban
annexed ‘Queen Adelaide Province,' the move was greatly welcomed
by hundreds of land-hungry Boers who, at last, saw an advance
of the frontier and the possibility of new farms. There are
records of two, three Boer families at this time being 'forced'
to exist on what their forefathers would've regarded as one
unit i.e. 6,000 morgen. [approx 12,000 acres.]
The
pressure on land had been aggravated by their family system.
Though the Van Doorns don't typify it, it's a fact that families
of a dozen children were the rule rather than the exception.
When a son reached his age of independence, having by that time
acquired his own horse, gun and small herd, it was traditional
that he set his eyes to the east, to a loan place of his own
and there establish his family till the same diffusion process
started. (Of course, one sees an identical parallel in what
was happening on the other side of the border with the young
Xhosa herdsman who set out to establish his own kraal.) Now
that the black barrier had stopped such an easy 'inheritance',
and that people knew that to the immediate north lay the semi-Karoo
and Karoo, there was bound to be a land shortage increased by
the hour as Boer babies were born. In contrast to America, the
whole impetus up to this generation was 'Go East!' – and thousands
had.
click
to read more... |
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